The eight stories that changed Colorado’s education landscape in 2014

PHOTO: Nicholas Garcia
Garrett Hjelle, a Columbine High School student, was one of about 10 students ejected from a Jeffco Public Schools board meeting for attempting to disrupt the evening.

As 2014 year comes to a close, Chalkbeat Colorado looked back to identify the stories and themes that had the largest impact on classrooms across Colorado. Major themes included discontent about testing and school funding, school improvement efforts that are and in many cases aren’t working, and questions of leadership by principals and school board members.

Students take to the streets

“The students of Jeffco are standing up for themselves, and for their friends, family, teachers and most importantly, their education. So are you with us?”
— Jessica Yan, Standley Lake High School student

Colorado students along the Front Range made sure their frustrations — on a variety of issues — were heard loud and clear this year.

Students in Jefferson County, Boulder, Denver, and Aurora left their desks for a string of protests against their school board, standardized testing, and two grand jury decisions not to indict white police officers in the deaths of black men in Missouri and New York.

While the issues were not connected, the series of student-led protests stretched from September through December. Adult reaction to the walkouts was mixed. Most school and civic leaders in Jefferson County and Boulder marveled at the walkouts. Others wondered out loud about the influence of adults on the student’s decisions to protest. And Denver Mayor Michael Hancock pleaded with students to return to class.

In Jeffco, students have vowed to keep an eye on the school board. Adults behind the opt-out movement plan to capitalize on the largest public demonstration against testing to date. And Denver school and city leaders are hosting conversations about race relations. But whether any systemic change comes from the protests is still unclear.

Testing backlash

“Colorado still has to have that conversation — what is that we want from our state system. I think that conversation should be occurring.”
— Joyce Zurowski, executive director of assessment at CDE

Students in Boulder weren’t the only ones — and certainly not the first — upset about changes to Colorado’s testing system. Since the start of the 2014 legislative session, some Coloradans have been been engaged in a renewed debate about how many exams students should be asked to take, and for what purpose.

While the debate about standardizing testing is not new, it has become increasing charged due to two main factors. First, individuals and organizations who respectively oppose the Common Core State Standards, which the state had adopted, and standardized testing have found commonalities in their issues. In some instances, they’ve joined forces. Second, this is the first year of new computer-based assessments, which seem to be eating up more class time and causing logistical headaches, some school leaders claim.

A panel created by the Colorado General Assembly is expected to make recommendations to the legislature early next year on how the state’s testing system should change.

The fight over the negative factor

“We have much ground to make up in school funding. We made some good progress this year, but we are nowhere close to making a proper investment in our public schools.”
— Kerrie Dallman, president of the Colorado Education Association

After voters soundly defeated a constitutional amendment that would have raised an additional billion dollars for schools in November 2013, the coalition of education interests behind that proposal found itself in disarray and split by deep disagreements over the path forward.

Want more?
Take a longer and deeper look back at 2014 with the Chalkbeat Colorado yearbook. Get yours today when you donate to our end of year campaign here.

At the heart of the disagreement was the negative factor, a mechanism that the legislature created during the recession to cut the state’s basic school funding. School superintendents and school boards argued that the legislature should focus on backfilling years of cuts driven by the negative factor, and that money should come with no strings attached so that they could restore whatever programs they’d been forced to trim.

But others, including Gov. John Hickenlooper, argued that new school funding could be used as a driver of educational improvement if used in very specific ways to support programs like early literacy and English language instruction.

The two main finance bills, the Student Success Act and the School Finance Act, were introduced in late February. But the arguments, negotiations, and amending continued until the last day of the session, when the House approved the final version of the finance act.

While it’s likely schools will get even more money next year, superintendents are lobbying lawmakers and the governor to ensure that money comes without conditions. And a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the negative factor is making its way through the court system now.

Jeffco interrupted

“Organizations founder when there is instability. Like any corporation, where there is infighting and distraction among leadership, the organization loses direction.”
— David Bloomfield, Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center professor

Standley Lake High School students rallied near their school Sept. 19 to raise awareness over a proposed curriculum panel that would report to the school district's Board of Education. The rally was the same day as an apparent teacher "sick out."
PHOTO: Nicholas Garcia
Standley Lake High School students rallied near their school Sept. 19 to raise awareness over a proposed curriculum panel that would report to the school district’s Board of Education. The rally was the same day as an apparent teacher “sick out.”

For many years, the Jefferson County school district was the epitome of a suburban school district in Colorado. Most of the 85,000 students in the district performed better than their peers across the state on standardized exams and the district was seeing rising graduation rates.

But in 2013, a new majority, with strong conservative ties, was elected to the school board.

Their message: we can do better. In little more than a year that board has hired a new superintendent; given more money to charter schools in order to close a past funding disparity; and developed a new compensation system for teachers that rewards teachers that earn the highest evaluation rating.

But along the way, critics of the board majority believe they rushed to half-baked decisions; the board chairman failed to comply with open records requests; and one member proposed a curriculum review committee to ensure U.S. history is patriotic which triggered weeks of acrimony and national headlines.

Rumors of a possible recall effort continue to swirl throughout the sprawling suburban county, which also serves as an election bellwether. But opponents to the board majority face an expensive uphill battle if they want to make that happen.

Denver’s new plan emphasizes racial equity, closing opportunity gap

“I can’t worry about tomorrow. That’s not my job. My job is to make sure these kids get to high school. They deserve it.”
— Elza Guajardo, Kepner middle school principal

Students at Kepner Middle School in southwest Denver pass between classes. Plans to open a new STRIVE charter school and district-run program in 2015 are on hold for a year.
PHOTO: Nicholas Garcia
Students at Kepner Middle School in southwest Denver pass between classes. Plans to open a new STRIVE charter school and district-run program in 2015 are on hold for a year.

In August, the Denver Public Schools Board of Education approved a new and slimmed-down strategic document. The aim: to increase the number of quality school options available to families and close stubborn racial achievement gaps. With the self-congratulating phase over, all eyes are on several big moves aimed at improving equity and access to top educational pr grams throughout the district.

The quality of schools in southwest Denver, which is home to some nearly a fourth of all Denver students, has for years been the subject of concern and discontent. But that’s starting to change, as the district has made reform in southwest Denver — particularly at the neighborhood’s struggling Kepner Middle School — a priority. But not everyone agrees on the best path forward for schools in the southwest. Possible fault lines in the debate include whether new schools that open in the neighborhood should be charter or district-run, and how those schools should best serve the neighborhood’s many students learning English.

And across town, the IB program at George Washington High School has for 30 years educated a small group of high-performing students and sent many of them off to some of the nation’s most elite colleges. The rigorous four-year program admits students based on grades, test scores, teacher recommendations and interviews. But in an effort to make the program more inclusive, district officials are opening up the pre-IB program to a much wider swath of students. The move caused an uproar among families at the school, many of whom worry that broadening the program will dilute its rigor.

A promise of improvement at Denver’s Manual High School flounders

“A lot happened this year that we can’t get back. If we can get thought this year, next year will be good.”
— John Goe, Manual art teacher

Eight years after Denver Public Schools officials rebooted struggling Manual High School, promising to rebuild it as a world-class school for northeast Denver, the school had once again fallen away from the public eye and languished as the city’s lowest-performing high school.

English teacher Olivia Jones works with students in a computer lab. Jones is the faculty adviser for an honors book club.
PHOTO: Marc Piscotty
English teacher Olivia Jones works with students in a computer lab. Jones is the faculty adviser for an honors book club.

But that changed in 2014, after Chalkbeat reporters detailed the rise and fall of reform efforts at the school and Denver officials attempted a dramatic and at times controversial mid-year course correction.

Chalkbeat’s months-long reporting effort found many factors that hindered the school’s efforts to provide a high-quality education for its students, including a continuously tense relationship with the district that stretched through the tenure of three principals over seven years and mismanagement of the school’s budget, which forced staff to abandon key parts of the school’s instructional program.

A week after Chalkbeat’s series ran, Denver officials replaced the school’s principal.

New principal Don Roy made immediate changes to the school, some small and some more significant. He brought on more school security and implemented tighter disciplinary rules. He also backpedaled from some elements of the school’s model, including an extended school calendar that had left many students and staff burnt out. And in June, Roy announced that he would not renew the contract of the school’s assistant principal Vernon Jones, a decision that drew protests from many community members who felt Jones was their connection to and voice in the school.

DPS quietly and shortly considered merging Manual with its flagship high school, East. But community outrage from both campuses squashed that idea. The district is now searching for a new principal to lead Manual in the 2015-16 school year.

In DPS, principal turnover is highest where improvement intentions are most intense

“The notion that great systems can exist without great principals is ridiculous.”
— Tom Boasberg, DPS superintendent

A key and very public strategy the Denver school district has touted has been its reform of how it hires, trains, and retains its school leaders. And while Denver’s overall principal turnover rate has fallen by almost half in recent years, churn of school leaders has not slowed at nearly a quarter of Denver schools, where three or more principals have come and gone since 2008.

Columbine Elementary School principal Jason Krause looks at a student's hall pass. Krause is Columbine's latest principal, the school's fifth in seven years.
PHOTO: Nicholas Garcia
Columbine Elementary School principal Jason Krause looks at a student’s hall pass. Krause is Columbine’s latest principal, the school’s fifth in seven years.

That turnover, according to a Chalkbeat analysis of state records, is concentrated in schools where the district has pushed its most intense improvement efforts, schools that researchers say are most in need of high quality and steady leadership. Principals have been thrust into struggling schools with little training, given support that feels more more burdensome than beneficial, and held to expectations that some describe as impossibly too high.

As schools lose principals to burnout or officials move them out, rocky transitions disrupt students’ classrooms and leave communities feeling isolated from their schools.

District leaders say that they are beginning to take steps to understand Denver’s principal churn in order to figure out what to fix. For example, most principals now have development coaches.

The struggles of Steel City’s turnaround

“If the state has all the answers, why are they waiting for five years?”
— Rod Slyhoff, Pueblo Greater Chamber of Commerce

Students at Roncalli Middle School in Pueblo worked on a robotics project in April. Pueblo City Schools is one of 10 school districts the state is monitoring for low performance.
PHOTO: Nicholas Garcia
Students at Roncalli Middle School in Pueblo worked on a robotics project in April. Pueblo City Schools is one of 10 school districts the state is monitoring for low performance.

It’s becoming increasingly likely the 18,000 student Pueblo school district will be the first big test of the state’s school accountability system, which gives struggling schools and districts five years to improve or face sanctions. Of the dozen or so school districts that are less than a year away from having a conversation with the state about its accreditation, Pueblo City Schools is the largest.

At risk is a loss of federal funding; students’ diplomas will likely be worthless; and the city’s reputation, which was once nationally recognized for teaching students of color how to read well, and its economic recovery is on the line.

The struggle to improve the city’s schools has been fought on many fronts. And to better understand how a school district with a large concentration of poor and Latino students works to improve itself, Chalkbeat spent the spring interviewing dozens of district officials, teachers, principals, students, and community members.

In one case, the city designed a socioeconomically diverse school where most students are succeeding. But in doing so, the district also unintentionally created the state’s lowest performing middle school that has struggled to keep a principal more than a year.

behind the scenes

How Newark’s former schools chief used a ‘victory lap’ and privately paid consultants to cement his legacy

PHOTO: Jeff Zelevansky/Getty Images)
Former Newark Superintendent Christopher Cerf's administration made use of private funds to help burnish their legacy and manage the transition back to local control.

By last fall, time was running out for Newark’s state-appointed superintendent, Christopher Cerf, and his allies.

Newark schools would soon return to local governance, likely ending an unprecedented era of change in the district fueled by $200 million from wealthy donors. So as the clock counted down, Cerf’s team once again turned to those deep-pocketed benefactors.

In October 2017, district officials wrote up a wish list that included $250,000 for help telling a “comprehensive narrative of success” about the policy changes Cerf had helped engineer, $200,000 to “solidify partnerships/alliances,” and $100,000 for Cerf to continue advising district leaders after he stepped down in February, according to an outline of potential requests to a major donor obtained by Chalkbeat.

Earlier that year, district staffers planned to the ask the donor to “sustain and build upon” the policy changes by helping grow the city’s charter-school sector, according to the agenda for a May 2017 phone call. The agenda set a goal for 45 percent of the city’s students to attend charter schools — up from about one-third of students last school year.

It’s unclear exactly how much of the requested funding was eventually granted. But in the months leading up to Newark’s return to local control, private dollars were used to pay consultants to help with the transition and to fund a campaign touting the success of the policy changes.

The wish list and other district documents detailing that spending, which Chalkbeat obtained, shed new light on the degree to which the Cerf administration relied on private money to support its efforts until the day the district reverted to local control on Feb. 1 — and how donors helped extend the reformers’ influence even after they left.

It’s common for outgoing administrations to highlight their accomplishments. But the district’s close coordination with donors, whose contributions often evade public scrutiny, raises ongoing questions about transparency and private influence over public schools, said Domingo Morel, a political scientist at Rutgers University-Newark who has written about state takeovers of urban school districts.

“It’s actors behind the scenes trying to shape public education without any role for the public,” he said.

The main donor that district officials targeted in the October 2017 wish list and the May 2017 call was the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, the philanthropy created by the billionaire Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and his wife, Dr. Priscilla Chan. Zuckerberg’s $100 million gift to Newark schools in 2010 attracted a matching amount from other donors and jump-started the district overhaul, which included a redesigned teachers contract, new charter schools, and the shuttering of low-performing schools.

Most of the money flowed through the Community Foundation of New Jersey, a nonprofit that manages charitable funds and has overseen the Zuckerberg money since 2016. District officials determined how the foundation money was spent, but donors still had to sign off, people familiar with the foundation said. The arrangement allowed consultants to do work for the district without being publicly vetted.

In an interview with Chalkbeat, Cerf insisted that the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, often called CZI, did not shape district policy; instead, district officials sought funding for projects they had developed. (Chalkbeat receives some funding from CZI.)

He said he had never seen the May or October 2017 documents, which he said were produced by “lower-level” staffers without his input. In particular, he said he had not seen or endorsed the charter-school enrollment goal, and pointed out that he has advocated for the closure of low-performing charter schools.

He said the funding wish list was only a draft, adding that proposals are often tailored to appeal to donors’ interests but do not always match how grants are actually spent. For instance, he said some of the $200,000 requested for “partnerships/alliances” were used for internships for high school students and events to celebrate student and faculty achievements.

It’s unclear which of the potential requests CZI ultimately received and approved. A CZI spokesman said the group provided funding to support “a smooth transition back to local control,” but added that the requests it granted differed from those on the October 2017 wish list.

Cerf said he did receive some philanthropic money to continue supporting the district after he resigned as superintendent on Feb. 1, though he declined to say how much. A spokeswoman for the Prudential Foundation, which the October 2017 document said had agreed to fund a $100,000 matching grant for Cerf’s services, said it did not actually provide that grant.

Cerf said his services included advising district officials who asked for his input, particularly on budget matters, and fundraising for education projects. He did not receive any public dollars for that work, he added. (He also volunteered to help craft the education portion of the city’s bid for Amazon to build a new headquarters in Newark, he said.)

Cerf also defended the use of private funds for district projects, which is common in large urban districts like Newark, which advocates say gets too little public money. He said the private investments helped with the “magnificently complicated” task of transferring power from the state, which seized control of the district in 1995, back to Newark’s school board.

“The number one job during my tenure was to effect a smooth and efficient transition from state to local control,” Cerf said. “I’m very proud that we were able to do that.”

By the time Cerf was appointed by former Gov. Chris Christie in 2015 to take over as Newark schools chief, the district had become a case study in ambitious reform gone awry.

Parents, students, and the Newark Teachers Union had joined forces against the school closures and staff layoffs, and the superintendent who had pushed the changes, Cami Anderson, had resigned. The troubled reform efforts were detailed in a critically acclaimed book by journalist Dale Russakoff, published just as Cerf became superintendent.

Cerf, a former state education commissioner who had been an architect of Newark’s overhaul, was determined to reverse this “narrative of failure,” as he told the journal Education Next in 2016. He was motivated by signs of progress, such as the district’s rising graduation rate and falling suspension rate. But he also understood that when the district reverted to local control, his successor could dismantle policies he had pushed for, such as a single enrollment system for district and charter schools.

So, in the final months of state control, Cerf’s team planned a public campaign to promote the reforms — an effort that one district memo dubbed a “victory lap.” The campaign would help justify the huge sum spent on the changes, and make it harder for the next administration to defend scraping them.

Leftover funds from the $200 million that Zuckerberg and other donors had provided for the reforms were used to hire a public-relations firm and to pay a consultant to review a study by independent researchers of the district’s reforms.

The consultant, Jesse Margolis, was paid to review “multiple drafts” of a study by Harvard University researchers on the impact of the Newark overhaul on student performance and “suggest improvements,” according to a work description that said Margolis would be paid $1,000 per day for his services. (He also conducted his own analysis of student progress.)

The final Harvard report, which found mixed results, disclosed that CZI had paid for the study and that Margolis and a district official had reviewed drafts of the report.

Thomas Kane, a Harvard economist and education professor who led the study, said in an email that it is standard practice for his team to show districts drafts so they can catch any errors in the reports’ policy descriptions, make sure student privacy is not violated, and comment on his team’s methods and findings. He added that his team retains “the right to present the final results as we choose.”

Last year, another $130,000 from the remaining Zuckerberg funds was used to pay for an analysis of the district’s universal enrollment system — one of the most controversial policy changes, which some board members have said they want to eliminate. The analysis was conducted by Margolis and researchers from Columbia University’s Center for Public Research and Leadership with funds from the Community Foundation of New Jersey.

The enrollment study was published in April, just as some school board members — now back in charge of the district — were reviewing the system, called Newark Enrolls. The study was mostly positive. A Columbia press release said the report found that Newark Enrolls “increased choice while respecting the importance of community,” and quoted Margolis calling the system a model for other districts looking to better integrate their students.

Margolis told Chalkbeat that the district had asked for the enrollment study — a common practice for districts seeking external analyses of their policies. But he insisted that he and the Columbia researchers maintained “total editorial control” over the report.

“We conducted this as objectively and rigorously as one possibly could,” he said. (He added that the $1,000 per day he was paid to review the Harvard study is lower than his normal consulting rate.)

Other consultants — some with longstanding ties to Cerf — were paid with Zuckerberg money to help the district with work related to the return to local control.

The October 2017 wish list sought $168,000 for De’Shawn Wright, an advisor to former-Mayor Cory Booker who co-founded the Newark Charter School Fund, to provide “interim transition support” from February to July. Wright had served as Cerf’s chief of staff, but because he was paid with private money, the amount and source of his salary were not publicly disclosed — even to members of the school board, according to reporting by journalist Bob Braun. According to a district document tracking private grants, Wright’s consulting firm, Keystone Consulting, was paid $336,000 for his services from February 2017 to January 2018.

Former state education commissioner David Hespe, through his consulting firm Effective Education Solutions, was set to receive $52,000 in private money from December 2016 to January 2018 for providing “critical transition-related activities” to the district, according to district documents. (Braun has also previously reported on Hespe’s consulting work for the district.)

As a consultant, Hespe last year helped Cerf administration officials craft the state guidelines that Newark’s school board must now adhere to in order to keep control of the schools, other documents show.

In addition, an education consulting firm called Kitamba, Inc. received $25,000 per month for nine months beginning in May 2017 to help with the transition to local control and other “strategic support,” according to district documents. The $225,000 in services included producing an “operating manual” for incoming district leaders that would describe their main responsibilities and big issues they would face, such as teacher shortages in particular areas. The documents said the manual would fit in with the district’s “legacy planning.”

Kitamba’s CEO is Rajeev Bajaj. Bajaj was involved with Cerf in the founding of a consultancy, Global Education Advisors, that the city hired in 2010 using private funds, the Star-Ledger has reported. The firm created a controversial plan calling for school closures and new charter schools.

Wright, Hespe, and Bajaj did not respond to requests for comment.

Dakarai Aarons, a Chan Zuckerberg Initiative spokesman, said the operating manual was one of the transition-related projects that the foundation funded.

“As part of our commitment to Newark’s students and educators, we provided funding to meet emerging community needs identified by the district to ensure a smooth transition to local control,” Aarons said in a statement, adding that the goal was to sustain academic gains made over the past eight years.

Aarons would not say whether the district proposals it funded included a $250,000 contract for a communications firm to help develop the “comprehensive narrative of success” about the Newark reforms referenced in the district’s October 2017 wish list. A spokeswoman for the communications firm, GMMB, said she could not confirm whether the firm did work for the district.

If CZI did fund such a campaign, it would be in line with a Zuckerberg-funded report from 2015 that sought to draw lessons from the first years of the Newark overhaul.

“Leaders need to approach engagement like a campaign, with sophisticated public relations strategies designed to increase support for change, neutralize opponents, and capitalize on early wins to build momentum for what’s next,” the report advised. “Funders of reform efforts may sometimes shrink from bankrolling such a campaign, but they do so at the risk of weakening the prospects for success.”

new schools

Neighbors at odds heading into Near South High School hearing

PHOTO: Elaine Chen
Elisabeth Greer, a parent and leader at the National Teachers Academy, speaking at a press conference in June about parents' lawsuit to stop CPS from displacing NTA with a new high school.

On Tuesday, Near South Side residents divided over the opening of a high school on the site of a popular elementary school have a chance to let district officials know how they feel about new attendance boundaries.

The 1,200 student Near South High School would open for the 2019-20 school year by the corner of State Street and Cermak Road, displacing National Teachers Academy, a top-ranked, mostly African-American elementary school whose supporters recently sued to halt Chicago Public Schools’ plans. The lawsuit alleges that the decision to close NTA violates the Illinois Civil Rights Act.

Members of the Gap community, a northeastern stretch of Bronzeville, had been left out of the proposed high school plan. But on Friday, CPS released an updated boundary map that included the attendance area for Pershing Elementary School, a neighborhood school serving Gap families.

“We’re pleased that they’ve listened to our outcry that we wanted to be included,” said Leonard McGee, president of the GAP Community Organization, which supports the new high school. “We’re still pushing until the board vote is done; anything can happen, we’re not resting on our laurels thinking it’s a done deal.”

He said his organization was “petitioning for children who aren’t even born, for kids who don’t even live in the area yet.”

“We’re looking at this high school as an opportunity for kids who aren’t even born yet to have access to a quality education, and that’s all it’s about,” he said, adding that the school would provide a high-quality option in a racially integrated setting.

At a public hearing last month, residents griped that the school would only serve 1,200 students, saying the need was greater and expressing fears of overcrowding. In a statement emailed to Chalkbeat Chicago, CPS said it determined that the boundary changes could be done without risking overcrowding. CPS spokesman Michael Passman said families “in the Near South Community,” have wanted a high-quality high school for years, and that the district is focused on opening the new high school to as many families as possible.

“We are pleased to be able to provide more Near South families with guaranteed access to a high-quality continuum of schools from pre-K through high school, and we look forward to continuing to work with the community to ensure the new school meets the needs of all local families,” Passman said.

But the boundary change doesn’t satisfy National Teachers Academy parents who are suing the district to stop the school’s closure, said Elisabeth Greer, chair of the academy’s Local School Council and the parent of two students at the school.

PHOTO: Chicago Public Schools
Proposed boundaries for Near South High School. Families living in boundaries for Armor and Holden Elementary schools will receive preference for available seats, according to CPS.

Greer called the new boundaries “CPS’ sad attempt to try to garner more support for this plan” among black parents on the Near South Side.

“This is a decision by CPS to listen to some voices in the community but not others,” Greer said, claiming that the “thousands” who support keeping National Teachers Academy open dwarf neighborhood proponents of the new high school. “This is what CPS does, pit communities against each other. It’s been primarily African-Americans who have stood up against this plan, and this is an attempt to split the black community and get some African-Americans to [support CPS].”

McGee disagreed, characterizing Greer’s statement as “trying to divide the community itself.”

“I’m not getting into why CPS did what they did,” he said. “I’m only advocating for what’s a good educational opportunity for people in the neighborhood.”

But, Greer wants to be clear: “We are not at war with each other in the community.”

“We don’t plan to go in tomorrow night and be angry with the Gap community, we’re going to be there to talk to our neighbors,” she said. “We shouldn’t be fighting over scraps, we should be demanding that our community deserves something bigger and better like a new high school from the ground up.”

While Leonard also said he’d be at the meeting to hear from other concerned community members, he takes issue with Greer’s framing, particularly the word “scraps.”

“Let me have my scraps, and let me decide the value of them,” he said. “In fact, to say that is an insult to me and my community.”

Last month at a public hearing, National Teachers Academy supporters spoke against the project, while residents of Chinatown spoke in favor, arguing that they’ve pushed the district for years for an open-enrollment high school in the area and expressing concerns about the quality and safety of current neighborhood schools.

But at the Chicago Board of Education meeting on July 23, at least one Chinatown community leader blasted CPS.Debbie Liu of the Coalition for a Better Chinese American Community mentioned Chinatown’s long history of advocating for a high school, but said CPS has gone about meeting those demands the wrong way.

“A 1,200-student capacity is only a stopgap measure compared to projected growth in Chinatown and nearby communities,” she said. “The turmoil we have in the Near South could have been prevented with a more transparent, long-term, equitable planning process.”

Some of the areas zoned for the new high school currently feed Phillips High School, which is under-enrolled, according to CPS.

Community residents will have a chance to chime in about the updated boundary on Tuesday, from 6 p.m. to 8 p.m., at the Second Presbyterian Church, 1936 S. Michigan Ave.